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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

" Churchill utterances do not leave any doubts. He has expressed the
conviction that the Polish Premier will soon return to Moscow. He has
placed the Polish Government and the c Lublin Committee ' on the same
level as tf two parties.' He has remarked that a division already exists in
Poland between the Poles and this can only increase. He has forgotten the
unity of the Polish nation during five years of war and the recent Warsaw
rising, which has once more shown who really governs in Poland.
" He is convinced that a new government should arise on Polish soil to be
recognised by the Three Big Powers concerned., and combining members
from the ' Lublin Committee.' But he is not concerned whether or not
this Government will be recognised by the Polish people themselves., although
he recognises the rights of the French and Greeks to establish their own
governments without interference from the other Powers. The Poles must
be given a government which Moscow thinks is fit for it.
" Regarding the territorial problem, Churchill en passant remarks briefly
* that it concerns the so-called Curzon Line ' and the new territories which
will be added in the North and West.    He showers many epithets on this
* Poland-to-be/ which is to be recreated as a * strong, independent, sovereign'
country.    We are perfectly aware that Poland already exists, therefore, no
need arises to < recreate' our country, just as no one is endeavouring to
recreate France or Greece.    The rest of the adjectives in the same sentence
have an ironical ring, an emptiness or misrepresentation . . . lies.   Exception
is taken tp the sentence that, this e new Poland ' should remain loyal to the
Allies.    We have no need for any lessons in loyalty—there can be no doubt
regarding out faithfulness to our spoken word and our sense of justice.
" We execute in full every letter of our treaties. Friendship for our
Liberator Russia * is the theme of the propaganda issuing daily from
Moscow. Friendship develops from the friendly attitude of both parties
concerned, but to dictate this friendship is to imitate the Tsars, Suvorow
and the Muscovite hangmen, * the executors of the Polish people,' as Lenin
had termed them.
" We learn from Churchill's speech that we will receive anc abiding home.'
Have we then been a nomadic tribe until now ? And the ' resting place ' ?
Moscow will most certainly see that it is eternal. Furthermore, we learn
that it is to be a territory adequate * for the needs of the Polish nation *—until
now we have always understood that only the nation has the right to define
its own needs—and that this territory will * not be inferior in character and
quality.' It means nothing else than that we shall be given much less than
we already have. Perhaps for 200,000 square kilometres, some one-tenth
of this ?
ce The British Minister has declared in plain language that Poland should
give up half her territory immediately—without further delay, without asking
the Polish people. As the reward for this suicide, Poland would receive a
bouquet of empty words."
The majority of the English Press, who were advising the Poles to con-
tinue their fight against Germany,, but to give way before the aggression
of the Soviets^ soon made it clear that there could not be any question of
a British guarantee of c compensation * for Poland^ of any e how and
when * but only the support of Britain to the Polish claims.
The British Prime Minister had once more demanded in plain terms
an c unconditional surrender * of the Polish Government to Moscow.
Such a move would be nothing less than the first application of this
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